Sunday, 8 September 2013

Stick run & stick run cheats








Hacking

Hacking is where a third party tries to penetrate your computer system or a certain application. Cheas or cheat codes are certain “bugs” or lines of code implemented in the app itself by the creator, which on modification result in unusual or different behaviour from the app.


Cheating


Cheats now and again may take the form of “secrets” placed by game developers themselves.
Cheats may be activated from within the game itself (a cheat code implemented by the original game developers); or shaped by third-party software (a game trainer) or hardware (a cheat cartridge). They can also be realised by exploiting software bugs.
Activating a cheat code can essentially be considered as hacking, into the application to alter its behaviour. A hacker   is someone who seeks and exploits weaknesses in a computer system or computer network. Hackers may be motivated by a multitude of reasons, such as profit, protest, or challenge

What  Is  Stick Run  And  How  Will Stick  Run  Hack &  Stick Run  Cheats  Works?

Let’s see what   is stick run then we will see what stick run hack is and stick run cheats.
Simple and addictive endless stick figure run in the cartoon city of San Francisco  Best free style stick running game in classic and eye-popping doodle theme.  Game with cutest cartoonish stickman graphics.  The once contented city of San Francisco has become colourless. People no longer desire or need happiness and love in their lives. Mr. Doodle finds this very disturbing and therefore he decides to run around the city, spreading love and happiness to bring back the colours of life. Help Mr. Doodle accomplish this by evading the instruments of war and painting the whole city of San Francisco with colours and joy.
Jump, dive and roll to live in this cool free stick runner game. Buy upgrades and keep on spreading joy and colours all around the city.
It’s a simple fun and adventure filled free sprint based stick running platformer game with no complex tutorials, training, cheats or hints needed to master. Just use your skills to bring San Francisco back to life by making stick man run and jump.


Features of   stick run hack & stick run cheats:

>> Use cool weapons/upgrades to bring down any obstacles in your way.
>> Eye popping cartoon figures with a cute theme.
>>Immersive and easy yet challenging game plays with cool story line.
>>Simple to play which makes this game highly addictive for casual to hardcore gamers.
>> Play in different world-class cities with upgrades from tank to spaceships.
>>Share your score and awesomeness with your friends on Facebook.
Just start the sprint for peace, defying gods of war, fire and mutiny and keep running for the love of harmony in the coolest freestyle free run stickman figure running game with cool graphics and fun.
 
 

 Stick run hack & stick run cheats: An endless video game where the user controls a stick figure and has to run through a host of hurdles and challenges to achieve a high score.  The stick run hack & stick run cheats are as follows:


Tools for stick run hack & stick run cheats

•           Cheat Engine
•           Browsers

Hack:

1.         Go to Stick Run
2.         Open Cheat Engine
3.         Selected your Browser
4.         Change the Value Type to Double
5.         Play Stick Run Click single player
6.         Scan your Score
7.         Play again and Increase your Score
8.         Then Scan Your Next Score till 9.It wills Appears 1 Address.
10.       Put it down and change the value to 5000 (Don’t be greedy 5000 or less is your limit for game)
11.       Froze the Address (tick the frozen box, the magnifying glass to your screen, next to the address on your Cheat Engine is a little checkbox. Tick it. )
12.       Go play and see your exp up using stick run hack & stick run cheats.

Other ways of stick run hack & stick run cheats

1.         Go to Stick Run –
2.         Open your Charles Proxy Web Debugger
3.         In the game, play single mode
4.         After you fail the game, go back to game menu
5.         Then go to Charles proxy and find the: “api.playerio.com”
6.         Expand the address: “api.playerio.com”
7.         Find the “169″ and right click on it then “repeat in advance”
8.         Change the “interations” value to “1000000000″ and the concurrency to “1000000″
9.         Leave the game for a few minutes like 3-5 minutes.
10.       After that, hit refresh.





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One World Trade Center




One World Trade Center is the primary building of the new World Trade Center complex in New York City's Lower Manhattan.
Opened: 2014
Height: 541 m
Floors: 104
Construction started: April 27, 2006
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driving away XP protection 2013

What is the hackers’ latest strategy to lure internet users into their traps? Don’t be surprised by the effort and wit they put into performing their felonies; after all, once they have gained complete access to your computer, they have already gained access to majority of your vital information.  If you are not careful enough, you will become prone to falling for their tricks and giving them exactly what they want.
To simplify the task of exploiting your computer, they have raised their deviousness several notches higher. Today, you can come across an enticing offer for free computer security software and download it, only to discover later on that it is a virus designed to trick you into deliberately running it into your system. Such is the concept that gave birth to XP Protection 2013 Virus.

The Function of XP Protection 2013Virus
You may have previously read articles that persuade you into believing the safety and efficiency of using free antivirus software.  Who wouldn’t want to have free protection from malware? Guaranteeing your computer security means lot especially in these times when cyber crimes are costing people their identities and financial information. Nevertheless, choosing the freebies is not as good an idea since it can lead you to download something like XP Protection 2013 virus.
Once you have activated it, this fake antivirus software will scan your computer for any existing threats. The result will astonish you, and you will probably have no idea that the details included are false.  It will give you a list of infections, ranging from worms to Trojan Horses, and whatever malicious codes it has under its wings. Shaken by this fabricated revelation, you will start to consider the numerous offers that XP Protection 2013 will throw your way. It will sway you into purchasing their security packages, which contains more virus and warnings than your heart can take.

Getting Rid of It
If you have experience removing a similar kind of virus before, you probably know that restarting your computer is the inevitable first step. Exit all programs and press Restart. Are the computer screen black and the grey words at the bottom announcing that it is booting up? Press F8 before it reaches any further. You’ll be given a list of profiles you can access. Select ‘Safe Mode with Networking’.
From here, you have two options to choose from: you can either uninstall XP Protection 2013 by deleting its files completely or by downloading strong antivirus software to do the job for you.
The former choice entails that you learn which files are related to XP Protection 2013 virus and that you delete them without mercy. Miss one file and you can get in trouble of culturing a nuisance. You will see majority of these active infected files through your Task Manager. Be keen with your inspection because the virus can alter its file name quickly so as not to be detected.
The latter choice has the advantage of cleaning even the threats you didn’t know are hiding in your computer. The free Windows XP antivirus, although another freebie, is a legit software you can resort to if ever you are in a hurry to cure your computer. After you’ve used it, make an appointment with the nearest computer shop and seek help in finding the right antivirus software for you.
Once the clean-up is over, reboot your computer into normal mode and enjoy an XP Protection 2013 Virus-free environment.

Additional Reminders

Now that you have experienced the torture of having viruses like XP Protection 2013 slow your computer to a near dysfunctional state and constantly panic you into believing you are under attack from countless malware, you be interested in purchasing an authentic antivirus software. Learn the proper way of utilizing its features and spend time performing full computer scans and system back-ups.
Were you enlightened by this article? Leave a comment to tell us what you think about our prescribed methods of treating XP Protection 2013 virus. If you know someone who may be in danger of becoming its next victim, share this article to them.




 
 
 
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Give Your Student an Edge on Education With a Right Laptop


Whether you have a child in one of the lower grades or just starting college, the right laptop will enrich his or her education. Mashable reports that 73 percent of college students polled said they needed some kind of technology to help them study. Send your kids back to class with the right technology to set them up for success in school and later in life.

the laptop as a research tool
With the availability of databases, whitepapers, university studies and ebooks online, the laptop is a portable library and research tool for your student. Schools nationwide are migrating to the use of e-textbooks, and libraries are making titles available for download. Your student may still spend time in the library researching class assignments, but they will carry them in a laptop.
Your student will need a reliable Internet connection as well. Research options for wireless Internet for tablets, smartphones and laptops. A strong, reliable network connection is as important to your student as the hours the campus library stays open.

put the polish on presentations
The right laptop makes writing papers and creating presentations easier. Many software products have a WYSIWYG interface, so the student can see how it will look exactly. This minimizes the print-fix-repeat cycle that used to be the norm.
Most laptops come with basic software. Before you spend a lot of money buying more, check out on-campus deals. Schools and universities offer discounts for students on various software.

3 i like
  • Aspire G580. PC Mag reviews the Aspire G580 and lists it in its top 10 laptops for students. It has good battery life, a solid case and excellent performance, and it's at the low end of the price range. This is an example of the right tool without the high price tag.
  • MacBook Air. For people who prefer Apple products because of their graphics capabilities, the MacBook Air continues to be a top-selling laptop for students. With a battery life of more than eight hours, this laptop is perfect for the student who's moving throughout the day.
  • Sony Vaio. This laptop is Windows-based and comparable to the quality of the MacBook Air. This laptop has the performance to stream music and movies without taking over all of the computer’s resources. This could be the ideal laptop for aspiring music and film students who want to compose their own masterpieces.

a note about cost
If your budget permits it, spending a little extra is a good investment. Computers have become a commodity; when they break, you throw them away and get a new one. The high-end laptops will last throughout​ your student's education, while you may end up replacing low-end models before the end of their academic endeavors.
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Tuesday, 3 September 2013

SCAMS IN INDIA
2013

13

Vodafone tax Scandal - involves Rs 11,000-crore [42] tax dispute case in India. There were corruption charges on Kapil Sibal because of Law ministry's U-turn to agree to conciliation in Vodafone tax case
Railway promotion scam- CBI booked Union railway minister Pawan Kumar Bansal's nephew for allegedly accepting a bribe of Rs 90 lakh from a Railway Board member.

2013 Kerala solar panel scam

Odisha Land allotment Scam

Odisha Mining scandal

2012

2011

 
2010

2009



Named scandals in India
Scandal Year reported Scope Location Key players Summary
2012 Indian coal mining controversy 2012 {{INR 185591.34crore}} nation Comptroller and Auditor General of India, the coal ministry, many electricity boards and private companies coal blocks allotted, not auctioned, leading to estimated losses as per the Comptroller and Auditor General of India
Karnataka Wakf Board Land Scam 2012 {{INR 200000 crore}} Karnataka

Uttar Pradesh NRHM scam 2012 {{INR 10000 crore}} Uttar Pradesh Mayawati
2G spectrum scam 2010 {{INR 176000 crore}} national Nira Radia, A. Raja, M. K. Kanimozhi, many telecommunications companies communication bandwidth auctioned for lower than market value
Uttar Pradesh food grain scam 2003 {{INR 35,000 crore}} Uttar Pradesh Kapil Sibal, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mayawati Food which the government purchased to give to the poor was instead sold on the open market
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CORRUPTION IN INDIA

today iam writing this blog basically on the corruption because today i feel that, how india is suffering from backwardness. because of the government of india (congress). every year five year plans are set up by the government, but government are fail to implement to these plan,because of some fo the reason.
the root of the corruption is very deep in the system. it is difficult to remove corruption from india . on the every level in the system corruption take place by some or the other way.

corruption has  avery long history in the india.

Merely shouting from the house tops that everybody is corrupt creates an atmosphere of corruption. People feel they are in a climate of corruption and they get corrupted themselves.’ The words of Jawaharlal Nehru, spoken shortly after India’s independence from British rule, seem particularly apt given the overtly Gandhian style of today’s anti-corruption crusader, Anna Hazare. But for most Indians, Hazare’s movement has produced few surprises: there is a long-standing popular critique of the country’s apparently growing crisis of corruption that cuts across nearly every strata of society.
Popular resignation about the permanence of corruption is partly explained by the political purchase of ‘corruption’ as an idea and a term. Accusations of corruption have historically been wielded as a political weapon – a means of tarnishing rivals in the right circumstances. During India’s very first General Election in 1951-2, newspapers and party offices, particularly those of the Congress party, were bombarded with allegations about corrupt electoral candidates. The system of food and civil supply was subject to commodity controls and rationing – a legacy of the war years which had generated complex systems of patronage. These involved deeply entrenched black markets in lucrative industrial and agricultural concerns. This was the background to what was later known as ‘Permit-Licence-Quota Raj’ – the linking of business interests with political brokers. It is partly this nexus that underpins the protests in post-liberalization India.
But it wasn’t just the circumstances of war that generated concerns about graft in the 1940s and fifties. More broadly, the problem of corruption seemed to correspond to phases of rapid political transformation. The first, officially coordinated ‘anti-corruption’ drives, described as such, took place under the auspices of provincial Congress governments in the late 1930s, while the British still ruled at India’s centre. The Congress juxtaposed its democratic principles against ‘corrupted’ systems of colonial despotism.


The Congress governments of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh in those years also aimed to project themselves as realistic alternatives to the Raj – regimes which took the notion of ‘public service’ seriously. The Special Police Establishment, which undertook to prosecute (albeit quite ineffectively) instances of government servant corruption, followed from 1941. And in March 1947, on the eve of independence, the Government of India passed the Prevention of Corruption Act. In the wake of Partition’s mass migrations, seizure of evacuee property and mob violence, state governments across India sought to ‘clean up’ their administrations. In Uttar Pradesh, this operation was described by the early 1950s state government as an ‘efficiency drive’ to ‘root out useless officers’. Conveniently, many of them were actual or intending evacuees to Pakistan.
It took a massive (pending) regime transition to initiate official drives for anti-corruption at that time. On the streets too, independence helped to generate citizens’ movements in the late 1940s to protest against corrupt local rationing or police officers. The vernacular and English newspapers, previously muzzled by the British, were replete with corruption scandals, especially those linked to black marketeers. But there was something more profound happening in early postcolonial India, just as there is today. The larger discussions of ‘corruption’ reached to the roots of what Indians thought about the state, and their own sense of national belonging or alienation. The recent criticisms of Anna Hazare bear this out. The writer Arundhati Roy points out the danger of creating another unaccountable anti-corruption ‘oligarchy’. Others argue that Hazare’s proposed Lokpal Bill could jeopardise constitutional protections for disadvantaged communities. Some Dalit organizations fear that Hazare’s Lokpal Bill, the drafting of which has not hitherto involved minority representation, may undermine some structures of reservations. Still others suggest that Anna Hazare’s style, and that of his supporters, smacks of demagoguery and ‘aggressive nationalism’. In some ways, this is business as usual: India has a complex and highly developed system of fundamental rights provisions within its Constitution, and the country is certainly no stranger to vibrant public debate.

Ever since the 2010 protests by the ‘India Against Corruption’ activists, and more forcefully since Hazare’s recent fast, the issue of corruption has led Indians to re-evaluate what the state really means to them. What is its role? How far are its agents accountable, and to what extent does it protect civic and democratic rights? Such questions reflect back on the colonial past. Most stark in both the anti-corruption protests, and the recent critiques of Anna Hazare is something which both sides share – a profound distrust of the state itself. Hazare’s Gandhian style is not only significant in its evocation of the ‘father of the nation’, but also in its reflection of older critiques of the colonial system as being ‘corrupt’, and as a regime which encouraged and nurtured societal corruption.
Despite running a byzantine structure of administrative rules and procedures, the British in India rarely referred to the problem of ‘corruption’ as such. ‘Integrity’ among government servants was expected, but it was poorly policed and based on the assumption that the (largely white British) superior administrator was ultimately the principal figure who could be ‘corrupted’ in a serious way. He, unlike his Indian subordinate, had much to lose and more to maintain as far as the regime was concerned.
When faced with elected Congress regimes’ attempted exposure of administrative and police corruption in the late 1930s, colonial officials fell back on arguments that what Congressmen described as ‘corruption’, might often be better defined as ‘custom’. The British Raj was run on a financial shoe-string, with officers thinly stretched over vast areas and populations. It was heavily dependent on armies of Indian subordinates, and could ill afford to consistently root out the ‘customary’ arrangements which secured its authority in the locality. Powerful landowners might control the local police constable, or compel free labour among the landless poor. The Raj needed him to help maintain law and order, and pay revenue. A local revenue official might take a commission (or ‘dasturi’ – customary payment) to allow cultivators access to land records, or a railway official might accept a ‘gift’ (or ‘daalii’) to arrange faster carriage for consignments of goods.
But for most colonial officials, such arrangements were seen as an intrinsic dynamic of Indian society: classically, British utilitarian thought, represented by the likes of James Mill in the early 19th Century, presupposed the wastefulness, indolence and corruption of ‘Oriental’, ‘Asiatic’ and ‘despotic’ forms of governance, as found in India.

Britain’s supposedly ‘rational’ system of revenue might thereby discipline the essentially corrupt societal interactions of India. The son of James – the philosopher John Stuart Mill – was influential on British administrative thinking about corruption as ‘custom’: the younger Mill in his later political theory, privileged the idea of ‘sentiment’ as much as ‘reason’ in human affairs. Studies of national habits, imagination and traditions were a means of comparing different social institutions across the world, and particularly the difference between Occident and Orient. In studying the permanence of such ‘native institutions’, many advised against their reform, as natural facets of the social environment.
In 1952, following its first General Election, India became the world’s largest democracy. But its political system still rested (as it does today) on a structure of power inherited from the Raj, principally in its administrative and police cadres. The 1950 Constitution was based to a great extent on the colonial constitution passed in 1935. When Indira Gandhi, following allegations of electoral irregularities, declared a State of Emergency in 1975, she was exercising a state power that had underpinned the colonial system. Yet since 1947, and largely because of past struggles against imperialism, citizens have asserted the right to contest these vestiges of authoritarian power. Elements of this right to protest are writ large today – and whatever the outcome of Hazare’s campaign, and whether or not a tough Lokpal Bill finally finds its way into the statute book, it is clear the turbulent relationship between Indian citizens and the state will continue to flourish.

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Thursday, 23 May 2013

Coalgate uproar is overdone

What to privatise, when to privatise and how to privatise are amongst the important policy questions in the transition from state to market. The uproar over Coalgate tells us, as the uproar over the sale of 2G spectrum did earlier, that India is still learning how these questions are best addressed.

Privatisation is not primarily about raising resources for the government. It is about improving efficiency in the economy. Most people believe that the private sector is always more efficient than the government and that the government has 'no business to be in business'.

The literature on privatisation suggests that the reality is rather more nuanced. For instance, in regulated industries, there is not much of a difference in efficiency between the two sectors. Moreover, privatisation works only when certain stringent conditions are met: the sale of assets happens through an efficient auction, there is adequate competition and institutions are strong. Before rushing to judgement on Coalgate, it is worth examining how some of these considerations would apply to the sale of a natural resource, such as coal.

Coal mining is overwhelmingly the responsibility of Coal India Limited (CIL). The first question to ask is whether it is CIL's inefficiency that warrants the entry of private players. As the CAG report notes, CIL has done a good job of meeting its internal targets but fallen short of the Planning Commission's higher targets. This, however, cannot be ascribed to inefficiency on the part of CIL.

CIL has faced several obstacles in mining coal, for instance, rail links from mining areas were not available nor was heavy earth-moving equipment. Land acquisition and environment clearances posed serious hurdles. For these very reasons, several private parties have not been able to make much headway with the blocks taken away from CIL (against its wishes) and allotted to them.


Secondly, since competition is more important than ownership, it would have been sensible to first restructure CIL and create competitive conditions within the public sector itself. CIL should have been listed long before it was in 2010. Some of its subsidiaries might have been spun off into competing, listed companies.

Thirdly, we need to recognise that CIL is able to supply coal at a discount of 26-77% to the international price. This has implications for private sector entry into the sector. If bidding is to be truly competitive, we have to allow international bidders. This has the potential to raise coal prices to international levels. If, on the other hand, we wish to regulate coal prices, there may not be enough bidders and the revenues accruing to the government would be much lower. Moreover, since such an auction would be inefficient, the fundamental objective of achieving efficiency in the coal sector itself may be defeated.
Turn now to the issues involved in Coalgate. The CAG has said that the coal blocks for captive mining should have been allocated on the basis of competitive bidding. Had this been done, it could well have raised the coal price at captive mines to the price of imports.

In computing the net gain to private parties, the CAG has used the average sale price of CIL in 2010-11. The CAG has not discounted the stream of net benefit and it has been criticised on this account. The discounted value comes to Rs 58,000 crore (assuming a life of 30 years for a mine and the discount rate of 10% used by the CAG in the case of the Delhi airport) or an average value of Rs 1,027 crore for 57 private mines. The CAG's higher estimate of net gain, Rs 1,85,591 crore, can be justified only under the assumption that the sale price of coal would catch up with international prices.

The figure of Rs 1,027 crore is an average and it is a theoretical upper limit based on the assumption that bidding would be truly competitive. For a given mine, there is considerable uncertainty as to extractable reserves, the cost of mining, the quality of coal and the time taken for regulatory clearances. In many cases, the bids would be much lower; in some, there may not be bidders at all.

Any windfall gains on the mines would be reflected in profits made in the end-uses and would be taxed. The notional loss to government is thus almost certainly way below Rs 58,000 crore.
It was open to the government to attempt competitive bidding for a few mines, subject to a reserve price (and using the price of coal as a bid parameter). If the response had been weak, it would have been better placed to resort to allocations. However, time was of the essence. There was concern about the impact of competitive bidding on coal prices. Legislation was thought necessary, and enacting it would take time.
These are valid reasons for going down the allocation route. Where the government went wrong was in not following transparent criteria in making allocations. We know now that several political parties were complicit in the manipulation of allocations. It does not follow, however, that the allocation policy per se was flawed.

The government has justified the first-come-first-served policy in the sale of 2G spectrum on the ground that it helped keep the rates on mobile telephony low.

A similar case can be made for the allocation of coal blocks. In the design of privatisation, a choice has often to be made between revenue maximisation and other objectives such as keeping the price to the end-user low. It does not make sense to cry 'scam' whenever the government opts for the latter.

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